Greenwashing
John Engler
Working political judo on the
environmentalists.
by Curt Guyette
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10/7/98
For Michigan
environmentalists, Gov. John Engler is like the punch line
to a bad joke.
How low can he go? So low that
when the Metro Times asked a handful of prominent
environmentalists to give him a green grade, the D+ offered
by Jim Moore of the American Lung Association actually
raised Engler's average.
"Clearly an F," declares Julie
Griess of Michigan Citizens Against Toxic Substances.
"Except usually someone gets an F because they don't
comprehend something, not because they are simply
evil."
That's the kind of antipathy eight
years of John Engler has inspired among the shakers in
Michigan's environmental movement.
But the real joke this election
season is not on the governor. If the polls are right, he's
chuckling all the way to a third term as the state's chief
executive. Beyond that, the rotund Republican from Mt.
Pleasant must be getting a great belly laugh from the
masterful piece of political judo he's apparently pulled
off. Call it gallows humor if you will, but there is
something ironically awe-inspiring in the 60-second
commercial being aired around the state that shades John
Engler as a champion of all things green. What raises this
above routine political chicanery is its strategic
brilliance.
Business salutes
The Clean Michigan Campaign is
targeting two groups to pay for its multimillion-dollar
media blitz.
The first is big business,
Engler's core constituency and a major beneficiary of the
bond that guarantees a public source of funding to clean up
toxic sites. So it's not surprising that the Michigan
Manufacturers Association, Michigan Chamber of Commerce and
other business interests hail Engler as a paragon of
environmental moderation, balancing the need for a clean and
healthy environment against the needs of business to make an
honest buck.
No F's from this crowd; Engler is
at least a B+ in their book, and Proposal C, as the measure
is officially known, is just one more example of his stellar
environmental record.
"I think the governor has a solid
record of performance over the past eight years," says Kevin
Korpi, director of environmental and regulatory affairs for
Michigan Chamber.
"The Clean Michigan proposal is
part of that. It is a very significant investment that the
governor led. It was his vision and leadership
that
put the program
together, that led to legislative action" to put the measure
on the ballot.
The other part of this equation,
though, is environmentalists. They are being hit en masse
with a direct mail fund-raising request, the response to
which "has been very good," according to Dan Senor, manager
of the Clean Michigan campaign.
That distresses Lana Pollack,
executive director of the Michigan Environmental Council,
which worked to strengthen Proposal C from the version
initially offered by Engler. She has no problem with the Big
Three automakers kicking in $250,000 each to pay for the
campaign, but the notion of rank-and-file environmentalists
kicking in their greenbacks isn't a happy thought.
"The campaign is going to have
more than enough money to get this passed," says Pollack.
"There are a lot of groups and campaigns more worthy that
environmentalists can contribute to."
But if Senor is correct and
environmentalists are contributing, it means that Engler has
devised a way to polish his political image with money
supplied in part by those most opposed to his environmental
policies.
Say what you will about the
governor, you've got give him credit: Proposal C is a
masterful piece of politics.
"There's no doubt in my mind
whatsoever," says Don Inman, a former deputy director of the
Michigan Department of Natural Resources who sees no
indication that preserving the environment is part of the
Engler administration's core values. "This is an attempt by
the governor to spruce up his image."
Following his early retirement
from state government, Inman helped found Michigan Resource
Stewards, a group of resource management professionals who
have banded together to expose the environmental
transgressions they see as the hallmark of Engler's
tenure.
From splitting apart a DNR that
once had a reputation as one of the nation's best resource
management agencies to disbanding citizen oversight
committees that assured public input on decision making,
Engler has done nothing but weaken environmental protections
across the state, says Inman.
Making activists
Which is why, after 26 years of
experience, Inman -- along with his wife, Virginia Pierce --
took the early retirement engineered as a cost-saving
measure by Engler and became an outside activist.
"People in our profession aren't
usually whistle-blowers," he explained. "When you work for
an agency, you don't publicly speak out against it. You
fight inside for changes. But we cared so much about what
was happening to the department, and the significant losses
we felt were occurring, we took the early out and started
trying to get the information about what was really going on
out to voter and elected officials."
Inman and his wife aren't the only
ones transformed into activists by Engler and his
administration's policies.
Four years ago, Keith Schneider
was an environmental correspondent for the New York Times
working out of a Manistee County cabin. Then the governor's
policies toward gas drilling in the antrim shale fields that
spread in an arc across the Lower Peninsula came roaring
into his life. When he began investigating the scope of
devastation those policies were creating, he decided that
just writing about it wasn't enough. Schneider quit the
newspaper business to found the Michigan Land Use Institute,
which in three years has grown to become a $500,000-a-year
nonprofit group with a membership of more than 1,100
families and groups.
Like Inman, Schneider sees
Engler's Clean Michigan initiative as an astute piece of
electioneering.
"What Engler has done is very
savvy," observes Schneider. "He knows how to read polls, and
the public had consistently identified his record on the
environment and natural resources as a weakness."
But there's more than simple
greenwashing at work, contends Schneider. In a way, he says,
Engler has been a victim of his own excess.
Engler's policies in 1995 "were
about as far out on a right-wing cliff as you can get. They
looked over that precipice and saw what they were about to
fall into."
Even in conservative strongholds
like Michigan's north woods -- where the gas drilling was
igniting a broad-based citizen revolt -- Engler's policies
were too radical, and he started moving back toward the
mainstream.
A lethargic environmental movement
was being energized, and began to slow what had previously
been unimpeded progress (or regression, depending on your
viewpoint). Schneider ticks off victories that put reason
back into the state's drilling polices as one example. A
recent public hearing in metro Detroit regarding potential
development of downriver's Humbug Marsh is another indicator
of just how much the state's green movement has been fueled
by Engler's fire; an estimated 1,000 people turned
out.
Eco-friendly?
The Clean Michigan initiative
itself adds credence to Schneider's point.
As originally proposed by Engler,
the ballot measure would primarily have spurred development
by cleaning up polluted "brown fields" in urban areas.
Previous legislation pushed by Engler had substantially
gutted the state's "polluters pay" laws, letting industry
off the hook.
"Clean Michigan was a twofer,"
explains Lana Pollack, the former state legislator who now
heads the Michigan Environmental Council. "He needed
something to soften his image, and he needed something to
replace the $18 million a year that was lost when the
polluter pays law was changed."
But environmentalists, with the
aid of Democrats who had regained control of the Michigan
House in 1996, weren't about to be steamrollered.
Although the Engler administration
"put up a real fight," progressives were able win
substantial changes that broadened the scope of Clean
Michigan from $325 million to its current $675 million,
adding programs that will revitalize state parks, reduce
pollution at source points and help prevent childhood lead
poisoning.
All of which the governor, his
behind-the-scenes battle to eliminate the additions having
been lost, is more than happy to take credit for.
"There's no doubt about it," says
Pollack. "He's a consummate politician."
Curt Guyette is the Metro
Times investigative reporter. E-mail him at cguyette@aminc.com.
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